Utah Stories

The Greatest of All Welfare Scams: The Hidden Cost of Bargain Prices

Utah towns are being ripped off by corporate America, find out how.

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utah welfare sandy scheels

 

utah welfare sandy scheels
Behold: The New Face of Welfare

When Scheels, the sporting goods giant based in Fargo, North Dakota, started shopping cities for the expansion of their highly profitable mega-stores, Utah’s economic leaders offered a greater gift than Santa could ever provide. The combined efforts of Sandy City, Salt Lake County and the Canyons School District all ponied up to offer Scheels 25 years of paying zero property taxes, a total of $17.6 million of corporate welfare.

Local papers haven’t written questioning this practice, but a Sutherland Institute story posed the question, “Why does Scheels, a company based in Fargo, ND, get a tax break of mammoth proportions while Utah families and other businesses that have been paying full tax rates for years or decades get nothing?” A fair, and important, question.

At some point, the term “our community” becomes a trite and cheap description when there are almost no locally owned retailers or restaurants in our cities anymore. No Joe’s Flyfishing shop, Sports Den or locally owned Gart Brothers will be opening shop in Draper anytime soon because the economic development of Utah is focused only on massive corporate investment. Cabela’s in Lehi also received property tax breaks. That retail giant has received over $2 billion in tax breaks by fishing for cities that take the bait of huge sales tax revenue in exchange for corporate welfare.

“Retail is not economic development,” says Greg Leroy, executive director of Good Jobs First, a non-partisan economic development watchdog group based in Washington, DC. In a citylabs.com article, he sates, “People don’t suddenly have more money to spend on hip waders because a new Bass Pro or Cabela’s comes to town,” adds Leroy. “All that happens is that the money once spent at local mom and pop shops shifts to to the big box retailers.”

Of course Utah cities need to create jobs, investment and wealth, but with the way things are heading, will the future of our cities consist of corporations upon which we depend completely for jobs, products, services and sales tax revenue?

It’s clear that since the 2008 recession, the working poor are becoming more subservient to corporations. Low-skilled workers rely on corporations for both steady employment and cheap products and services. Symptomatic of this growing trend, we watch corporations such as Walmart, Dollar Tree, Savers and payday lending organizations thrive, posting record profits in our economy since 2008. And more companies that thrive because of economic disparity are growing like weeds, choking out the small business owner trying to make an honest buck.

In economic terms, these types of corporations provide ideal conditions for investors and politicians: cheap products, employment and a steady stream of rent and tax revenue. As long as there are working poor, there will be a steady supply of those who seek cheap products and low-wage jobs.

Developers build our communities for corporate chains, and local politicians hand out corporate welfare to entice them to invest. City leaders are pleased to make these hand-outs due to the clear numbers of jobs and tax revenue these places provide. But politicians are examining only the benefits without examining the bigger picture.

When corporations such as Scheels, Cabela’s and Walmart shop towns for their next large expansion, they seek the best deal they can get from various cities. Sandy City was the winner. They offered Scheels the best deal. $17.5 million in tax breaks over the next 25 years.

With these tax breaks. Scheels can offer even lower prices, and squash the competition. Locally owned businesses are the losers because they can’t compete on price. This is a losing proposition and promotes the killing of communities and creates a huge disadvantage for entrepreneurs who provide authentic value to communities and a much greater economic benefit than retail chains. To view the study results, click here.

Why is it fair that these corporations should receive such huge tax subsidies while local businesses receive nothing? This is not a level playing field. This is not a “free market,” and this practice is essentially taxing the strong local businesses to subsidize Wall Street corporations. This is a scam, and the practice is weakening local economic vitality because it’s ultimately shifts power away from locals and hands it over to corporations.

As long as power continues to concentrate into the hands of corporations and cities and the poor come to rely on these types of corporations, towns are becoming slaves to corporate powers. Further, the working poor are becoming stuck on the socioeconomic ladder, unable to climb because of an inability to gain new skills at low-wage jobs, where they are trained to behave like automatons. We can’t blame the poor and unskilled for working at these places. We can’t blame the penny pinchers for shopping there. It is, afterall, steady employment, and they offer those with scarce income lower prices.

But there is another part of this equation which causes the homogenization of our communities by corporate chains: Investors love stores that cater to the poor. They are a safe bet. Local businesses are a riskier bet. One of Warren Buffet’s largest holdings in Berkshire Hathaway is in Walmart. This is because Warren knows that cheap products, plus stores everywhere, plus plenty of people who want the best deals, equals plenty of earnings. Warren is not greedy; he is a smart investor.

The Chinese economy is based on manufacturing cheap products that fill American consumers’ homes. We put up with the Chinese human rights violations and their poor labor and currency practices because China provides a steady supply of cheap products. Economists can also justify our huge trade imbalance we have with China because “it increases our overall standard of living for Americans.” If the standard we follow is cheap equals best, then they are right. But when the destruction of jobs and communities is factored into the equation, the practice of handing out welfare to corporations which rely on this model is a scam.

But who can blame investors for holding socks in these companies that consistently perform so well, even if it is based on a less than desirable model? Millions of American’s 401(k)s and retirements depend Wall Street earnings. It has become obvious in recent years that the main reason why the wealthy control our political leaders through campaign contributions is to protect their investments and ensure their success.

Very likely many of the wealthiest investors can see how corporate lobbyists affect their state and local politicians in the ways in which they write zoning laws and hand out subsidies and ensure success.

As a result of these conditions, we see the stagnation in competition, a lack of true wealth creation and innovation; local economies lacking in vibrancy, and a growing divide between the rich and the poor. The rich own the stocks and provide the capital for corporations to grow. The working poor provide the cheap labor and earnings which provides the record profits that ensures the rich get richer. Increasingly we all come to rely on corporations to a greater degree, which further concentrates corporate wealth and power.

Here we see an interesting irony: rich and the poor simply working in their best interests is exacerbating the problem. One can’t really blame the rich or the poor for the growing divide. But there are actions middle class Americans can take which could change the equation.

The middle class can chose to shift spending behavior and shop locally owned and operated businesses instead of corporate chains. If more people buy more local products, we would see fewer local politicians bowing and kissing the corporate ring of steady tax revenue. Political leaders, as well as developers, might instead see that there is still great value in assisting and building retail and restaurant space for locally-owned businesses. But are we too late?

In Communist Manifesto, Karl Marx outlines his belief that capitalism would create just two basic classes: the rich—who control corporations and our government, and the poor who are subservient to corporations for both jobs and products. He believed a government controlled economy was a better solution. It’s not. The fear Marx wrote about convinced millions of Europeans that socialism and communism were better solutions than capitalism. If we continue on this path, we may very well prove Marx right.

Last year the S&P 500 rose over 30 percent, while the jobs and wages of the poor and middle class remained stagnant. If shoppers support locally-owned shops, profits would circulate within local economies which would bolster local growth. This means more secure local employment.

It really can make a huge difference: our most powerful vote is with our wallets and pocketbooks. We literally have the power to shape and form our communities so that they can become places that create more wealth, jobs and opportunity simply by our choosing to buy local.

This article began as an Op-Ed piece for the Deseret News.

Do you believe that corporate America is increasing the divide between the rich and the poor? We’d like to hear from you in the comments below. 



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  • The $7 Million Recruit: How NIL Changed College Athletics Forever

    In 2012, Jabari Parker, a top high school prospect and member of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, was facing his biggest decision to that point in his life: where to play college basketball. 

    Fans of BYU athletics hoped and perhaps prayed that Parker would pick the school owned by the church he was raised in. BYU was listed as one of his final choices. But he ultimately chose to spend his college years at Duke before attempting a career in the NBA. BYU fans were disappointed, but no one was truly surprised. Duke over BYU was the best choice for a young prospect in 2012. 

    A.J. Dybantsa.

    What changed between 2012 and 2024 when A.J. Dybantsa, the number one high school prospect, chose BYU over every other school? The answer is roughly $7 million dollars. That is what Dybantsa is reportedly making to play basketball at BYU. 

    The deal was supported by Utah Jazz owner Ryan Smith, who met multiple times with the Dybantsa family in multiple attempts to bring the young player to Provo. 

    According to Smith, he had no financial role in bringing Dybantsa to BYU, but the influence of Utah’s most famous billionaire acting as a “booster” or unofficial recruiter certainly swayed the decision.

    Prior to 2021, boosters acting as recruiters was taboo to the NCAA governing body. It was called improper recruiting. But in 2021, California began the modern era of NIL, or the ability of a college athlete to benefit from their name, image, or likeness, when they passed the “Fair Pay to Play Act.” 

    This new law gave college athletes in California the ability to benefit from their NIL, something that was banned in the rest of the country to that point. The NCAA saw that this law would create an unfair advantage for California schools that could now give young athletes the chance to make money off their talent and image while still in college. 

    The NCAA knew they needed to do something quickly, so they rushed through a policy that opened up NIL to all college athletes in the country, and it has been expanding and evolving over the last four years. 

    Grant Duff, who has coached at the University of Utah, Weber State University, and is now the defensive coordinator for Idaho State University, says, “The best part of NIL is that athletes have an opportunity to make good money. The downside comes with the free-for-all that money causes.”

    Dybantsa confers with BYU Head coach, Kevin Young.

    One of the biggest current examples of what a school can do when the boosters are willing to pay for success is Texas Tech University. From 2020-2024, Texas Tech had 34 wins, which works out to 6.8 wins per year with a low of 4 wins and high of 8. Then Texas Tech’s boosters got involved, led by Cody Campbell, an oil industry businessman and Chairman of the Texas Tech board. The football program was given 28 million dollars for NIL with a simple message attached to the large pile of money: Win. And win now. And win they did. 

    By signing NIL deals with athletes in the transfer portal, Texas Tech went from a middle-of-the-pack school in their conference to one of the top 12 teams in the country. They didn’t just win games in 2025, they made many of their opponents look like they didn’t belong on the same field, including the University of Utah and BYU twice. That is what money can buy.

    Continue reading and support independent Utah journalism with a purchase of Utah Stories (Digital + Print) or 3 month free trial (Digital).


  • Why Did Salt Lake City Tear Down Its Most Beautiful Buildings?

    If you go into the Utah State Archives and spend time with photographs from the late 1800s and early 1900s, you start to notice something that doesn’t line up with what exists today.

    Main Street looks cohesive. Not in a uniform way, but in a way that suggests the people building it shared an understanding of proportion, material, and permanence. Four-story buildings line the street—stone, brick, cast iron—each one detailed in ways that don’t feel incidental. Arched windows, carved stone, brickwork that changes pattern as it rises. Even the cast iron facades were designed to replicate masonry, not hide behind it.

    Then you go downtown and try to find those same buildings.

    Most of them are gone.

    Out of more than 400 buildings designed by Richard Kletting, over 300 have been torn down. That number alone reframes the conversation. Kletting designed the Utah State Capitol, the Saltair resort, commercial buildings, schools, churches, mansions—virtually every type of structure…

    Continue reading and support independent Utah journalism with a purchase of Utah Stories (Digital + Print) or 3 month free trial (Digital).


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  • The Stratos Project Was Already Approved. So Why the Public Meeting?

    Thousands showed up to protest. The decision may have already been made.

    When thousands of Box Elder County residents packed the fairgrounds to protest the proposed 40,000-acre Stratos data center, they thought they were confronting the people in charge.

    They weren’t.

    The county commissioners stood at the front of the room, absorbing the anger, the frustration, the disbelief. They looked like decision-makers. But by their own account, they weren’t.

    Because the decision may have already been made—long before the public ever showed up.

    The Illusion of Authority

    What happened at that meeting wasn’t civic engagement. It was something closer to theater.

    No meaningful public comment. No real debate. No clear path for residents to influence the outcome. Just a room full of people reacting to a project that, structurally, may already be locked in.

    Why?

    Because the real authority doesn’t sit with Box Elder County.

    It sits with the Utah Military Installation Development Authority.

    Once MIDA designates a project area, the rules change. Local zoning can become irrelevant. Private land stays private. Water rights remain private. And the role of local government shifts from decision-maker to facilitator.

    In plain terms: the county doesn’t decide if the project happens. It helps manage how it happens.

    So when residents showed up demanding answers, they were asking the wrong people.

    A Process That Skips the Public

    That should concern anyone paying attention.

    Because it flips the normal order of things. Instead of:

    Proposal → Public input → Decision

    We get:

    Decision → Public meeting → Reaction

    And by the time the public enters the room, the real levers of power have already been pulled.

    So what exactly was that meeting?

    If commissioners don’t have authority to stop the project, then the meeting wasn’t about deciding anything. It was about absorbing pressure. Managing optics. Creating the appearance of a process that had already moved on.

    That’s not transparency. That’s choreography.

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